Corpus Viewer
Root / 中國漢文 / clean / 商殷朝 / 商 / 甲骨文 / 殷墟 / 花園莊東地 / H3 / 花東2
友貞子 (金) 一
□□ □□ □□ □□ □□ □□ □□ □□ 子戎 □□ □□
.5 □ □□ □□: □□ 丁□□ □□ □□ □□ □□, □□
H3:1631
H3:1635
You10 tested:11 (about) Lord Jin.12 1 provides evidence that was close to Shang 商, but it is unclear whether this “Shang” refers to the temple-palace complex at Anyang or to the Shang royal domain as a whole. Activities at this place included sacrificial ancestor rites, archery, commands to high-ranking officials and servitors concerning contributions to the king and the procurement of goods. It also seems to have been a depot for the prince’s horse trade. 8 Ruo (若) depicts a kneeling figure with both hands raised in the air by his head. It com- monly occurs as a divination coda, and when it does I follow the Erya’s 爾雅definition as “favorable” (shun 順; synonymous with hui 惠) or “good” (shan 善; synonymous with ling 令 (＝ling 靈), jia 嘉, and cang 臧). Sun Yirang ([1917], cited in Jishi 6.2056) understands this usage as being synonomous with ji 吉 “auspicious, favorable, good”; see HYZ 3.2 commentary. (The Erya, “Shi gu 釋詁”, also lists xiang 祥 “auspicious” and ruo 若as synonyms.) 若was the most frequently used divination coda in HYZ divinations, the coda being the answer that diviners wanted to get. There are 124 instances on 74 pieces, and the phrase “wang bu ruo 亡不若” in divination statements like 子亡不若 “Our lord will not have anything unfa- vorable” (113.23) and 季母亡不若 “Jimu will not have anything unfavorable” (139.1) implies that it meant “good”. Rain is judged to be 若 (103.6), and this presumably meant that it was a good thing. A divination (331.2) made in response to whether the prince would fall ill wanted to know if sleeping as a remedy would be ruo, “good”. Reading the coda 若 in a divination like 331 as meaning anything other than “good” or “favorable” (for the subject) seems inaccurate; see Qiu Xigui [1973] 2012: 5.8. Occasionally, however, and like it does in divinations for the Shang kings, this word has the sense of “agreeable” or “approve”; it occurs in 401.12 about whether or not a group of people would comply with a kingly command. It is also used as a noun (you ruo 有若) and opposite the verb zuo 左 “contrary” in a divination about the effect of a prayer (361.1). See the commentary to 6.1. 9 于之若is comparable in form to the coda yu zhi li 于之力(jia 嘉) “in that will be excel- lent/auspicious” (196.2-3). (Ruo 若 and 力 are the only two words ever used in this formula.) As it does in this divination, the phrase often occurs as the alternative second option in an anti- thetical pair and was expressed in the negative mode. “That” is a demonstrative pronoun that indexes the alternative of “not shooting”. An alternative reading is reflected in the transcrip- tions of the ZSKY Editors and Zhu Qixiang (2006) who take 之as an object pronoun that refers to the toponym recorded in the preface, and parse it 子勿射于之, 若 “Our lord ought not shoot in that (place), (for it) will be favorable”. Statistics are against this interpretation, as only 2 /11 instances in which this phrase occurs contain a place name in a previous clause. 10 You (友) is a pictograph of two right hands, and its combined meaning is “assist” (verb) and “friend” or “aide” (noun); see 21.1 and 416.1. Here the word likely refers to the person otherwise called by the name You You 由友. The name 由友is also written 由又. (又 (single HYZ 3 | 79
H3:1564
divination records of Wu Ding The Huayuanzhuang East divinations contain a five-shell set with a total of five div- inations in seven cracks on the problem of “our lord’s ear ringing” (Zi er ming 子耳 鳴).76 The number of shells or bones used to make divination about a single issue in Shang oracle bone divination reveals its degree of importance or urgency. In the Huayuanzhuang divination practice five shells was the highest count used to form one set, and this implies the prince’s tinnitus was one of the most serious is- sues that these diviners encountered. Oracle bone divination about ear problems was rare, but one well-known Wu Ding period divination account confirms that it was taken seriously and could warrant large-scale sacrificial measures.77 Dates in the prefaces to this set of Huayuanzhuang East divinations make it relatively clear that all five shells were in use at the same time and that the entire event spanned no shorter than what must have been an intense twelve-day period. Based on the formula by which scribes recorded prefaces in these divination accounts, the records can be divided into two subsets. One group records prefaces in a sixty-day count in the form ganzhi bu 干支卜 “Divined on day X/60”, and the other in a weekly ten-day count in the forms of gan bu 干卜 “Divined on day X/10” and gan bu zhen 干卜貞 “Divined on day X/10, tested”. 75 Yao Xuan (2006: 40-55) first proposed the theory that the main character was Zi Rong in Wu Ding’s divinations. The following sections provide additional support and endorse this interpretation. 76 HYZ 39.21↔53.25-26↔ 450.1↔275.5↔501; Heji 21384 is a “Huayuanzhuang East type” or- acle inscription found outside of Pit H3 and it can be synchronized into this set. Ban Gu’s Hanshu yiwenzhi lists a divination manual on sneezing and ear ringing called Various Predictions about Sneezing and Ear Ringing 嚏耳鳴雜占; see Li Ling 2013: 192. 77 Heji 22099 [Wu 午-diviner group] records an exorcism for ear ringing and the sacrifice of 158 sheep; see Yu Xingwu 2009:220. 38 | Part II: People Subset A: Divined on Renxu (day 59/60), at…Lord Pou: Our lord’s ear ringing means (or: is a sign that) there is blame, (but) there will be no (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 12 Divined on Guiyou (day 10/60): Our lord’s ear ringing means Gui-day child78 is doing harm. 1 Subset B: Divined on Ding: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 1 Divined on Geng: Do not make rite to dispel our lord’s ear ringing, (for) there will be no minor affliction. 1 Divined on Gui, tested: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 1 Divined on Gui, tested: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 2 An interconnection undoubtedly exists between these divination accounts re- gardless of how the ones with partial dates in Subset B are positioned within the synchrony. No other records of tinnitus in this corpus make it certain that the divinations made over these five shells originally formed a set. Example (21) is from HYZ 275, which was part of another divination set (a three-shell set) about war with Shao discussed earlier and arranged in Table 2. (Day Xinwei 8/60 was two days earlier than Guiyou 10/60.) Example (24) is a type of divination that I call a “test divination”. When a divination utterance was preceded by the word zhen 貞 “test” it represented an advanced decision-making stage of the divination process and served to make a definitive test or final check of an antecedent. (24) seems to have tested divinations (20) and (21), neither of which produced a result when made earlier the same day and the day before. But as far as the records show neither did the two test-divination cracks. The following divinations made 78 The spirit Guizi is more commonly called Zi Gui 子癸. The appellation “Zi” means that this person died while still a juvenile. Gui, the last day of the ten-day week, was this ancestor’s tem- ple-day. Child Gui was the only juvenile spirit in the HYZ ancestral cult (twelve instance in total; four instances on HYZ 409 and four instances on HYZ 181). I propose that he was a deceased child of the main character. Wei Cide (2006: 79-80) comes to the same conclusion. Section 2.10. The hypothesis that the prince was Zi Rong 子戎 in the divination records of Wu Ding | 39 by Wu Ding’s diviners at a separate location, and on what appears to be the same matter, did in fact get a positive result. 。Heji 3187r Divined on Ding,79 Ke tested: Do not make an exorcism rite for Zi Rong’s [ear]80…The king read the crack and said, “Lucky. Rong will not have…” Tested: Make an ale libation to Mother Geng, (and he) will profit (> improve). 81 (Tested): To Ancestress Ji make an ale libation, (and) lord Rong will profit (> improve). This sequence of divinations comes from a nearly intact plastron (Heji 3187r=GuoBo 28; Figure 7). The divination account with the king’s prognostication was written along the left side of the shell in two columns of large calligraphy and colored in with cinnabar. Based on the smaller calligraphy on the right hand side of the shell, the account in large calligraphy was written for display purposes.82 The style of handwriting is what scholars refer to as “Bin 賓 [diviner] type I”, and this means that it was produced during the middle to early-late period of Wu Ding’s reign and likely at a location in the north of Xiaotun.83 The test divinations 79 I follow the transcriptions in Yinxu jiagu keci moshi zongji, p. 91 and Yinxu jiagu keci leizuan, p. 109, and not the transcription in Zhongguo Guojia bowuguan guancang wenwu yanjiu congshu Jiagu juan 2007: 145 (the same as Jiaguwen heji shiwen) which reads one missing graph in between Ding (day 4/10) and the verb bu 卜 “divined”. The color photograph in Zhongguo Guojia bowuguan guancang wenwu yanjiu congshu Jiagu juan (2007: 16) makes it clear that no graph was missing. 80 I agree with Liu Yuan (2007) who reads this graph as 耳 “ear”. The top of the graph is visible in Figure 7. 81 The graph transcribed here is written in oracle bone script. Liu Yuan (2007) tentatively reads it as the ancestral form of yin 螾 ‘earthworm’(?); he thinks it means to worsen. I follow the reading of Wang Yunzhi (2010: 555) as luo , which apparently was a type of reptile. (Traditional definitions say “dragon”.) This graph ought to be a simplified form of the more pictographic (Heji 35255 [Li-diviner type]) and (Western Zhou Geng Ying you 庚赢卣). In the Geng Ying you 庚赢卣 bronze inscription this graph plus “cowrie” writes the word ying 贏 “profit, win”; see definitions in Axel Schuessler 2007: 575. 82 See David Keightley 1978: 41, fig. 12; 46, n. 90. 83 Sakikawa Takashi (2011: 292) refers to this more specifically as (Bin) “Transition 2 type 過濾 2 類”. The orthographic type of handwriting referred to as “Bin” derives from the name Diviner Bin, who based on statistics was Wu Ding’s most prolific diviner. Oracle bone scholars refer to orthographies by diviner name because of the absence of named scribes. A “Bin type” inscription means the handwriting of a divination account either where Bin or another diviner in his “group 組” was the diviner. 40 | Part II: People were made by a known and trusted diviner of the king named Ke.84 Earlier I said that the king and his diviners would not have referred to one of the king’s chil- dren solely by the appellation “Zi”, and here is good evidence to support that in- terpretation. Diviner Ke calls the king’s son “master/prince Rong”, whereas the king calls him “Rong” without “Zi” in front of it. A further comparison between these two sets reveals a correspondence in both form and content. As is somewhat expected concerning an emergency about their master’s own person, the prince’s diviners appear to have been considerably more active and cautious than the king’s diviner. The king, on the other hand, and presumably once he learned what was happening, wanted to remedy the situation and to see instant improvement. The use of a specific divination coda by the king’s diviner conveys this quite directly.85 What we have here is another episode where divination was used to try and pre- dict the fortunes of others. Missing in the scenario presented earlier about Lady Hao passing on a divination judgment to her son was the king’s actual divination about it. Read against the five-shell set cited above, I propose that this was precisely the cir- cumstance that led to the divinations about Rong on Heji 3187. There are several starting points to make a connection between the two sets. The first is the correspondence between the names Zi Rong and Rong in the king’s divinations and the toponym Rong in the Huayuanzhuang East accounts. Rong was one of two toponyms in the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts that occurred the most. Second, is how the dates in the preface are recorded in a ten-day count and not in a sixty-day one. The Huayuanzhuang East divinations regularly used both ten-day and sixty day counts, but the ten-day count was rare in Bin I scribal practice.86 Third, is the parallel language between the divination statements “弜(勿) (禳)子耳鳴” and “勿禦子 ”. The first two graphs were variants that wrote the same word (an adverbial negative), and the predicate verbs that followed them were synonymous. Both diviners posed their utterances in a negative mode, and this implies that neither desired to resort to exorcism. The prince’s diviners ap- pear to have not gotten an answer, but the king got the answer he wanted, and sub- sequently had his scribe display it in large, bold calligraphy. 84 This is the same diviner who made the divination about San Feng cited in footnotes 70 and 72. Diviner Ke was a diviner in the Diviner Bin 賓 group. (Serruys calls him “Gu”.) 85 The word ying 贏 does not occur in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations. These diviners did not use it in their divination practice. 86 For example, none of the examples of Bin I divinations collected in Huang Tianshu [1991] 2007 or Wang Yunzhi 2010: 166 include it. The mode of gradual abbreviation in the preface how- ever is an attested habit of the Bin-group scribes. The hypothesis that the prince was Zi Rong 子戎 in the divination records of Wu Ding | 41 Fig. 7: Wu Ding period “display inscription” of divination about Rong’s ear (illness); Heji 3187 [Bin I type]. The other two divinations by Ke on behalf of the king focused on which female ancestor to direct ale libations in order for the afflicted to recover. The first proposition was to direct it to the king’s Mother Geng 母庚, and the second proposition was to make it to the king’s Ancestress (Grandmother) Ji 妣己. Divinations about making ale libations to these same recipients occur in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations. Ale libation (guan 祼) was an integral part of daily worship events and the platform to make ritual announcements and reports (gao 告). Reports covered a variety of issues but most commonly concerned urgent matters like sickness and dreams, when exor- cism as a remedy had either been postponed or abandoned. When announcements like this were made in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations, it was usually by the prince to his Grandmother Geng (i.e., the king’s Mother Geng); and when exorcism was required, joint rites were performed to the prince’s Grandmother Geng together 42 | Part II: People with Geng’s mother-in-law, Ancestress Ji, who was the prince’s great grandmother (i.e., the king’s Grandmother Ji). A fourth starting point is that both Zi Rong in Wu Ding’s divinations and the Huayuanzhuang East prince were often sick and injured. In fact, amongst the royal children Zi Rong is perhaps best characterized by his illnesses.87 Illness and death comprised the majority of divinations made on behalf of or by the king about Zi Rong (10/19 instances). Two divinations (Heji 13874r) specifically in- quired into whether “Zi Rong will recover from this illness”, while most of the others were like Heji 3187, on whether exorcism was needed for him to heal. The only illness ever mentioned was to the ear. In addition to the king’s divinations for Zi Rong about directing exorcism rit- uals to Mother Geng and Ancestress Ji on Heji 3187, Father Yi, Ancestor Ding, Mother Bing, and Elder Brother Ding were surveyed as alternative recipients (or targets).88 Father Yi and Ancestor Ding, Wu Ding’s father and grandfather, were the Huayuanzhuang East prince’s grandfather and great grandfather. The corre- spondence of ancestor names across the two groups of divination accounts fur- ther lowers the odds in favor of Zi Rong in the king’s divinations and “Zi” in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations being the same person. The Huayuanzhuang East prince suffered from a variety of illnesses and in- juries to his head, ear, mouth, tooth, stomach, and shoulder. As I mentioned ear- lier, the simultaneous use of a set of five-shells to make divinations on a single topic implies that the issue was of maximum concern. Ear ringing and ear illness rarely occurred in Shang oracle bone divinations and two of the three people that had it were Zi Rong and the Huayuanzhuang East prince. Since both were one generation younger than Wu Ding, members of the royal family, and either one of his children or nephews, the odds that Zi Rong was the Huayuanzhuang East prince seems the lowest amongst the possible choices.89 87 Liu Yuan 2007. 88 Liu Yuan 2007. 89 Dong Zuobin (1933) once made the conceivable assertion that Zi Rong was a son of the direct line and the future king (K29) posthumously called Zu Jia 祖甲 “Ancestor Jia”. In the same vein, there is no reason not to at least entertain the possibility that Zi Rong could have been the future king (K28) posthumously called Zu Geng 祖庚 “Ancestor Geng” (Liu Yuan 2018: 96). Zu Geng and Zu Jia were two of Wu Ding’s sons. The prince and the place Rong | 43
H3:1581 434 | Appendix I: Raw Data Catalog No. Excavation No. State of Preserva- tion (In Chinese) Length (cm) Width (cm) Divination crack in- scribed (Yes) Color Used to Fill in In- scription (Black/Red) Erasures (Yes) Material (unstated implies turtle plastron recto) Rejoin with H3:1582
Late Shang and early Western Zhou bronze vessels inscribed with the name “Rong” are well attested,95 and a cluster has been discovered near Mt. Cang 蒼山 in southern Shandong.96 This does not mean that Rong in the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts was here, but it does provide a conceivable starting point. The divinations about where to bury Wei in Table 4 (HYZ 195) suggest that Xiang 襄was not far from Rong, and based on Eastern Zhou geography Xiang might have been located in the area of modern day Puyang, Shandong.97 Ge 割 (葛) is another place with a possible southwest Shandong connection.98 Bronzes inscribed with this name were discovered in a late Shang-early Western Zhou cemetery in Yanzhou, Shandong.99 Even though the evidence presented above suggests that Rong and a couple other places might have been located in the east, that is, east of Anyang in Shan- dong province, there is just as much evidence, if not more, that Rong was in fact in Henan province, to the west of Anyang, and in the area of Wenxian 溫縣, Qinyang 沁陽, and Xiuwu 修武. A starting point is the place called Qin , which almost certainly is to be associated with the Qin River 沁水.100 Secondly, are the numerous divinations and notations concerning war with Shao 召.101 The Shao territory was located west of Shang and in the area between Jiyuan, Henan 河南 濟源 and Yuanqu, Shanxi 山西垣曲.102 Thirdly, there are many references to the main character at a place called You 柚 (=Xun 鄩), which according to Eastern 95 Yin-Zhou jinwen jicheng shiwen 4: 380. 96 Li Xueqin 1999. The bronzes Li refers to are inscribed (Rong 戎) and not , which is the only way this place in the Huayuanzhuang East records was ever written. Li suggests the two graphs were variants and I agree with him, although both graphs do occur in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations. occurs once and means “warrior” (HYZ 38); most frequently occurs as a place name, but it also occurs once as a verb and presumably meant to strike or battle (HYZ 116). Obviously we have to allow for the possibility that these two graphs wrote different words, and this would then mean that bronzes inscribed are not related at all to the place , and that did not write the word rong 戎. We also have to allow for the possibility that inscribed on bronzes was not, in every instance, a name but meant something else, like “warrior”. 97 Yu Xingwu 1979: 133. 98 See GuLin bubian #3182: 783-785 and the commentary to HYZ 252 for the reading of Ge. 99 Li Xueqin 1998: 91. 100 The area spans between Qinyang city 沁陽市in northwestern Henan, and Qinyang county 沁陽縣in southwestern Shanxi. HYZ 85 records a divination about plans to build a tower here. 101 See Table 2; HYZ 429, HYZ 403.3, HYZ 247.8-9, and HYZ 262.2. 102 Shirakawa Shizuka 1955; Lin and Sun 2010: 93. 50 | Part II: People Zhou sources was located not far from Wenxian,103 in addition to him being at several other places in southwestern Shanxi, most notably Tang 唐.104 HYZ 36 rec- ords “entering Shang” and “being at You 柚”, and this not only implies the two places were close in distance, but also suggests that a western border of Shang was in the vicinity of Wenxian.105 Although a more detailed study is needed, I take the position here that Rong was to the west of Anyang and in this general area.
There are two competing theories about the prince’s age. The first takes account of his repeated illnesses and proposes that he had already reached middle age. The second focuses on the habitual rate of divinations about “practicing/training” (xue 學) and suggests that he was between the ages of 15 and 20. Nevertheless “practic- ing” in advance of a performance does not imply age, and besides, xue 學also meant to instruct.106 The prince had several children, played a lead role in ancestor worship,107 issued commands to other royal family members and to military person- nel, had strong relationships with elite lineages, and his access to abundant im- ports, commodities, and large numbers of livestock and horses. These all suggest he was older than a teenager.
Ding (丁) is a pictograph of a nail(head) (ding 釘). 134 The earliest graphic forms, like (oracle bone (Jiabian 2329)) and (oracle bone (Yibian 9083)), depict a top profile, while later forms, like (Warring States brush and ink (Baoshan, strip 4)) and (Warring States seal from the state of Yan 燕), evolved to depict a side pro- file. Graphic semblance and phonetic congruity led to it being used to represent the “forehead” (ding 定(>顁)) and “crown/top of the head” (ding 頂/dian 顛), since a top profile of the nailhead resembled the shape of a person’s head and a side profile of the nail resembled the shape of a person’s head and neck.135 Ding 丁 is phono-semantic in tian 天 “crown of the head”, which in Shang-West- ern Zhou script was written (oracle bone (Heji 17985)) and (Early Western Zhou bronze (Tianwang gui 天亡簋)),136 and both words are etymologically related to other words that mean forehead/crown of the head, and by extension, the top. Tian 天in its primary sense first occurs in illness divinations from the Shi diviner group 師組 (in the so-called large or “fat” script), who were the earliest organization of Shang oracle bone divination specialists at Anyang.137 In the following example (Figure 11), king Wu Ding himself made a divination about illness to the crown of his head, [Divined] on Gengyin, His Majesty: The crown of my head will not be sickened.138 Fig. 11: Heji 20975 134 Tang Lan 1981. 135 Ye Yusen 1934. For ding 定/顁, see the Shijing (Book of Odes) poem “Feet of the Unicorn” (Lin zhi zhi 麟之趾; Mao #11): 麟之定，振振公姓。“The forehead of the lin! You majestic kins- men of the prince!” (Karlgren 1950: 7). 136 Peter Boodberg (1937): “The dot on top of 大in the old graphs for 天...is, in our belief, ‘pho- netic-etymonic’ and stands for the archaic word now represented by dian 顛 ‘forehead,’ ‘top,’ the –ng variant of which is reflected in ding 頂 ‘top or crown of the head’< tieng 丁.” 137 Wang Yunzhi 2012: 140-147. 138 Yu Xingwu [1979] 2009: 439-441. Ding 丁 | 59 Perhaps the most cited instance of tian meaning “forehead” in Classical Chinese occurs in the line statements of hexagram Kui 睽 “Cross-eyed” in the Yijing, Six in the Third: Its man with a (branded) forehead and a clipped nose. Ding (丁) as representing the crown of the head also occurs in an early spelling of the word mian 娩 “give birth”, which in Shang script was written in two ways: and . The second form adds 丁 and depicts the crown of the child’s head. 139 Another example is 子 “child”, written in early script as . The shape of the child’s head in the writing of zi and ding in the writing of mian match. As an appellation for a living person, the etymological relationship between ding 丁(頂), ding 顁, dian 顛, and tian 天 suggests it meant crown of the head, and by extension, Head and top male. Warring States and Han script continued to use both ding 丁 and 釘 to write ding 頂 “crown of the head”,140 and lexical wordbooks from this period like the Erya 爾雅 contain definitions for fish anatomy like “The fish’s pillow, call it ‘ding’” 魚枕謂之丁, which is a evident play on image arche- types. The tiangan designations Ding (day 4/10), Yi 乙 (day 2/10), and Bing 丙 (day 3/10) used to define parts of a fish—the tail, intestines, and head—appear to have derived by matching the shape of the graph to the part of the fish it resembled.141 The bone of a fish’s head was called “ding” because the same sound also meant top of the head, and because the graph’s “image” resembled it. In translation, I use “His Highness” when 丁 referred to the Shang king, and “Head” or “Chief” when it referred to leaders of other lineages or groups of men. The advantage of this new reading is that it can be applied to the top male of a group irre- spective of pedigree. Reading ding 丁 as di 帝and explaining it as the eldest son of the direct line of the royal lineage (嫡) implies that it was restricted for use by anyone 139 Zhang Yachu 2001: 11. The first form is composed of two hands, depicting an opening mo- tion, plus pen/womb; the second form adds 丁 inside of the womb. Mian 娩 in Warring States script was written (Guodian Ziyi, strip 24), (Guodian, Liude, strip 28), and (Baoshan, strip 175). By this time in the evolution of the script the head of the child evolved into the entire child 子, the “womb” was abbreviated or changed in shape, and the two hands were omitted. 140 For instance, 釘was used to write ding 頂as late as the Western Han; see the Yijing’s hexa- gram text Da guo 大過 “Great Surpassing” from Mawangdui. Wen Yiduo (2016: 495) notes that the graph ding 丁was used to write the word tian 天in the Han period Yijing weft text Qian Kun zao du 乾坤鑿度 (Boring the degrees of Qian and Kun). Wen ingeniously proposed that ding was not a phonetic loan for tian but rather an abbreviated and simplified way of spelling it. 141 The Erya associates a fish’s intestines to Yi and a fish’s tail to Bing. In ancient script Yi 乙 was written and resembles the shape of the intestines, while Bing 丙 was written and re- sembles the shape of the tail. 60 | Part II: People other than the kings. Yet ding 丁also occurred in oracle bone divinations made on behalf of the kings in reference to the Head of other lineages and groups of people. Below are eight instances where 丁 occurs in combination with ren 人 “per- son”, and after a lineage name or the name of a group of people: Huang Yin ding ren 黃尹丁人 Huang ding ren 黃丁人 Yi ding ren 伊丁人 Shan ding ren 單丁人 Meng ding ren 夢丁人 Qi ding ren 祈丁人 Zhi ding ren 彘丁人 Yi ding ren 夷丁人 (Heji 3096-3099) (Heji 22) (Heji 32803rv, Minghou 明後B2442) (Heji 137) (Heji 32212, Yingcang 2428) (Heji 13720) (Yibian 8893) (Heji 6476) In each of these instances the word preceding 丁is the name of a lineage or a col- lective term for a territorial group. The names Huang Yin/Huang/Yi referred to a single lineage.142 Reading 丁as “Head” or the top male of X-lineage/X-coalition is suitable in every instance. 人 “person” either meant a person or people of the Head of X-lineage, or it was a measure word for 丁. (Heji 6476 writes it as a ligature Perhaps the most informative example of 丁 with this meaning occurs on Heji 3096 (Figure 12): (殙)，在丁家又(有)子。Heji 3096 [Bin III] Divined on Bingwu, tested: Yu, a female of the Huang-Yin chief, is not going to die suddenly; at the Head’s house there will be a child. Fig. 12: Heji 3096 The word 丁 in this divination undoubtedly had the same meaning as it does in iso- lation and in reference to a living person in the Huayuanzhuang East divination rec- ords. The reason Ding occurs in isolation in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations is because the patron and Ding were family; a lineage name in front of it would have 142 Qiu Xigui [1983] 2012: 1.196. This lineage name originated with the Shang minister Huang Yi, also called Yi Yin. Ding 丁 | 61 been redundant and unnecessary. Hypothetically speaking, when other lineages re- ferred to Wu Ding they probably referred to him as wang “king” if they were under his mandate, but conceivably could also have called him “Royal lineage name/name of territory (Shang 商) + Ding 丁”. As with the appellation Zi 子, 丁 was clearly not re- stricted for use amongst the Shang royal family. Oracle bone inscriptions mention a group of the Huang lineage called “黃多子” (Huang’s Many Sons > Family Heads (Heji 3255)), and this corresponds with “黃丁” (Huang’s “Head”) and “黃尹丁” (Huang-Yin’s “Head”) in the list above.143 The lineage structure of Huang with a top male as “Head” and many adult children as family heads 子is precisely the situation that we see in the Huayuanzhuang East divination records—the main subject in the divinations was a family head and one of Shang’s “Many Children” 多子, and “Ding” 丁was the designation for the head male. The phrase “Ding’s house” 丁家 in Figure 12 was apparently an abbreviation of “Huang-Yin Head’s house” 黃尹丁家, and it is parallel with the phrase “ ancestral temple” mentioned earlier. In addition, the noun phrases “Ding’s school” 丁序 (HYZ
A difference between the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts and those made by and for other members of the royal family aside from the kings was the size of Zi Rong’s staff. Staff and attendants who reported to and took orders from the main character can be divided into groups of people whose titles were pre- ceded and modified by the word duo 多 “many”: duo chen 多臣 “Many Servitors” were staff and attendants who handled daily affairs; duo gu 多賈 “Many Traders” handled stock, appraisals, and the supply of goods; duo yu 多御(禦)正 (征) “Many Defense Regulators” were military personnel (37.22, 63.2; two instances); duo yin 多尹 “Many Commanders” were administrators, but also participated in hunting and sent in goods (113, 355; six instances); duo wan 多万 “Many Dancers” were associated with music and dance (206, 226; two instances); and duo gong 多工 “Many Artisans” (duo gong 多工) were skilled workers (324; one instance). These groups were not under the sole authority of the Huayuanzhuang East prince, but rather appear to have been specialists and staff who served the royal family and were under the command of the king and family heads. The “Many Servitors” (401), for instance, was comprised of the prince’s servitors—“(Our) lord’s servitors” 子臣 (290), and the king’s servitors—“(His) Highness’ servitors” 丁臣 (75). A group associated with the Many Servitors, called the duo jie chen 多 丯(介)臣 “Many Great Servitors” (275 + 517), might be understood as a select group of the best ones. On one occasion, for which diviners used a three-shell set, Zi Rong performed an exorcism rite to ensure the protection of the group as a col- lective whole (53.21↔181.8↔488.3). The most trusted members of the prince’s staff were Fa 發, Da 大, You You 由 友, and Ji Nai 乃, but also included Suo* , Xi* , Dao 盜, Zhi 旨 and others. Staff were called on to undertake tasks related to divination, preparing and provid- ing food and drinks (139, 178↔376), feasting and banquet preparation and service, procuring commodities and human capital, delivering animals (85, 113), killing an- imals, ritual presentation and gift-giving to the king and Lady Hao (63, 475, 480), the hunt (416), the prince’s transportation, and entertainment. On one occasion, Da fell ill and the prince performed an exorcism for his recovery (299, 76↔478). Wei 微 is a rather unique figure in the divinations. The prince once dispatched him west on a mission, and he had a personal audience with Lady Hao. One par- ticular divination account (290) implies that Wei was appointed by the king to safeguard his son, and indicates he was not considered one of the prince’s servi- tors. Like he did for Da’s sickness, Zi Rong performed exorcism rites for ailments to Wei’s eye(s) and shoulder. Other people: family members and staff | 67 The word gu 賈, which is cognate with jia 價, means “trade”, “appraise”, and “price”. The graph is spelled with a cowrie and this suggests an association with currency and exchange. Later sources state that specialist gu 賈were present for ritual events and official visits, especially for the exchange of gifts, in order to oversee the items to be given and to inspect the value of the goods in return.150 Traders in the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions had a comparable role (37, 275, 290), although the most important services that they rendered to the prince concerned the supply of goods and the horse trade. The only traders men- tioned by name were Zhu 壴 and Bing 並 (249.19). Trader Zhu is known from Wu Ding’s divination records and was mentioned earlier. 150 See the “Pin li 聘禮” chapter of the Yili 儀禮and Zheng Xuan’s 鄭玄(127-200) commentary; see also Wei Cide 2006: 157. 68 | Part II: People Table 5: People in the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions (selection) 151 Living people The main characters Zi 子 “(Our) lord” — the protagonist, family head, and patron of the divination organization; a prince of the royal family, who most likely was Zi Rong 子 (戎) in Wu Ding’s divination accounts. Ding 丁 “His Highness” — Wu Ding 武丁, the 27th Shang king; the protagonist’s father. Lady Hao 婦好, spouse of Wu Ding; the protagonist’s mother. The Many Princes duo Zi 多子— brothers and cousins Zi Hua 子 (畫); has an aide, Shao Zi Pou 子 (剖); has a spouse (275.1) and a child, Qu 曲 Zi Yu 子予 ; has an aide Mu Zi Mei 子媚 Zi Bi 子髀 Zi Sheng 子 Zi Hu 子 Zi Guo 子馘 Zi Zeng 子曾 Zi Xing 子興 Zi Jin 子金 The protago- nist’s family members His spouse, called “our lord’s spouse”子配(妃). Big son 大子 Middle son 中(仲)子 Small son 小子 Third small son 三小子 The Many Servitors duo chen 多臣 The protagonist’s servitors (Zi chen Da 大 Fa 發 Ji Nai You You 由友 Dao 盜 Zhi 旨 Suo* Xi* Wu Ding’s servitors (Ding chen 丁臣) Wei (微), assigned to Zi Rong. Ao 敖 151 Based on Lin Yun 2007 and Zhao Peng 2007. This list does not include names on adminis- trative receipts (except for Liu) and does not include lineage or place names that modified com- modities (for instance “Xun’s cattle 旬牛” (474.9), “Mang’s pigs 亡豕” (313.2, 324.3) and “Bing’s bows 弓” (37.16-17)). For a listing and discussion of Huayuanzhuang East administrative re- ceipts, see Liu Yiman and Cao Dingyun 2004, and Sun Yabing 2014: 273-276. Other people: family members and staff | 69 The Many Traders duo gu (mainly associated with the horse trade, but also with keeping and inspecting stock and making appraisals) Trader Zhu 賈壴 Trader Bing 賈並 People associ- ated with the horse trade152 Dun 敦 Geng* Shao Huo 火 The Many Artisans duo gong 多工 Lapidary Qiang 羌琡, builders The Many Commanders duo yin 多尹 The Many Defense Regulators duo yu zheng 多禦正(征) The Many Dancers duo wan 多万 Dancer Jia 万家 Musicians Blind Music Master 瞽 Zither players 瑟 Chime players (females) 磬妾 Military officers Ya Dian 亞奠 Archer-lord Dian 侯奠153 Ya-generals 亞 Lesser Servitor 小臣 Archers 射 Officers 史 Friends, allies, enemies Zhong Zhou 中周, 154 a close associate of the protago- nist; has consort named Si Zhi Bo Ge 沚伯 , ally of the royal family in war against the Shao territory; has spouse (“Ge’s spouse”). Zhou Long 舟嚨, associated with jade deliveries to the king. Liu / , producer and exporter of textiles (belts); also contributed turtle shells. Yin 引, an ally of the protagonist held abroad in captivity. 152 It is uncertain if these four names were lineage or personal names. It is also uncertain if they were part of Zi Rong’s daily staff and entourage, if they were traders/appraisers, or if they were business associates who dealt in the horse trade. Shao, for one, might be the same person who was called “Lord Hua’s aide”, and might have been from the (enemy) Shao territory. Huo appears elsewhere reporting about the prince losing his eyesight. 153 Lin Yun (2007) suggests that Ya Dian and Archer-lord Dian referred to the same person who held different administrative positions over time. The alternative of course is that it was two dif- ferent people from the same lineage or place. 154 75.9 implies Zhong Zhou became one of the protagonist’s servitors during the period of time these divinations were made. 70 | Part II: People Zhang 璋, visited Lady Hao, and had an exorcism per- formed by Zi Rong. He 何, enemy. Shao ／卲, enemy territory. The Ancestors Male Shang Jia 上甲, Shang king 1 Da Yi 大乙, Shang king 7 Da Jia 大甲, Shang king 9 Da Geng 大庚, Shang king 11 Xiao Jia 小甲, Shang king 12 Ancestor Ding 祖丁, the protagonist’s great grandfather, Shang king 21 Ancestor Jia 祖甲, the protagonist’s uncle, Shang king 23, Yang Jia 陽甲 Ancestor Geng 祖庚, the protagonist’s uncle, Shang king 24, Pan Geng 盤庚 Ancestor Xin 祖辛, the protagonist’s, Shang king 25, Xiao Xin 小辛 Ancestor Yi 祖乙, the protagonist’s grandfather, Shang king 26, Xiao Yi 小乙 Child Gui 子癸, the protagonist’s second youngest child. Geng 更, a Captain 師 during Wu Ding’s early to early- middle years; referred to posthumously as “Geng, Father Ren 更父壬” in Wu Ding’s divination accounts. Unclassified male ancestors Ancestor Bing 祖丙 Ancestor Wu 祖戊 Elder Brother Ding 兄丁 Female Ancestress Bing 妣丙, spouse of Da Yi. Ancestress Gui 妣癸, spouse of Zhong Ding, Shang king Ancestress Jia 妣甲, spouse of Ancestor Xin, Shang king Ancestress Ji 妣甲, spouse of Ancestor Ding; the protag- onist’s great grandmother. Ancestress Geng 妣庚, spouse of Ancestor Yi; the protag- onist’s grandmother. Mother Wu 母戊, spouse of Wu Ding, Shang king 27; the protagonist’s aunt. Unclassified female ancestors Elder Sister Ancestress Ding 姒妣 Elder Sister Geng 姒庚 Ancestress Ding 妣丁 Second Ancestress Bing 二妣丙 Mother Bing 母丙 Translation Open Access. © 2019 Schwartz/JAS, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501505294-002 Conventions and Symbols Transcription of the Huayuanzhuang East inscriptions is based primarily on ZSKY 2003 and Yao Xuan 2005 (2006), with corrections by Sun Yabing 2014. Text and translation for each inscribed oracle bone piece is arranged consecu- tively, and the numbers for each piece and each divination account follow their listing in the six-volume ZSKY 2003 publication. Any reordering of divination ac- counts continues to use the ZSKY 2003 sequence numbers. The abbreviation HYZ before each piece number stands for HuaYuanZhuang 花園莊. A single piece with writing on both the recto and verso sides is listed sequentially but with two different catalog numbers in ZSKY 2003. (The excavation numbers for instances like these however are the same and differentiated by the letters r (recto) and v (verso); see Appendix I.) My edition arranges instances like these together and uses a hyphen in between the catalog numbers in order to indicate that two individual catalog numbers are the recto and verso sides of a single piece. The first occurrence in the translation is HYZ 19-20. Each individual inscription is first provided in modern Chinese transcription and then followed by an English translation: Chinese transcription: 甲卜丁令 一 English translation: Divined on Jia: His Highness will issue a command. 1 Chinese transcription: 壬申卜既乎(呼)食子其 English translation: Divined on Renshen: After calling to eat, our lord should go hunt. Used. 12 Only text in translation is punctuated, and the punctuation used in the translation informs the reader about I understand the language of the primary text. Citations of inscriptions and excavated texts in the commentary, however, are punctuated and presented in a loose transcription style, which means that loans and modern equiva- lents are usually left unmarked. In both the transcription and translation, numbers in subscript usually refer to the number of a crack; no commas are placed in between these numbers. In the second example above, the numbers 12 in subscript mean that two cracks were made for this single divination statement. Although “crack num- bers” were engraved next to their associated crack on the shell/bone, it is standard transcription practice to render these numbers at the end of a divination account. Dates in the translation are not marked with corresponding numerical equiv- alents; for instance, the day “Jiazi” 甲子 is not marked with [1/60] after it. A sixty- day calendar is provided for reference. 74 | Conventions and Symbols Graphs, words, and phrases are explained in the commentary at their first occurrence. Appendix I lists raw data for each inscribed piece. Appendix II lists synchro- nies, parallel content, and links between individual pieces. SYMBOLS more than one graph missing (in transcription) □ one graph missing (in transcription) … text missing (in translation) [ ] reconstructed ( ) read as = equals ≈ glossed / or > yields < derived from < > error for ║ separating divination accounts on the same bone * tentative reading ↔ synchronized with Table 6: Sixty-day ganzhi cycle Jiazi Yichou Bingyin Dingmao Wuchen Jisi Gengwu Xinwei Renshen Guiyou Jiaxu Yihai Bingzi Dingchou Wuyin Jimao Gengchen Xinsi Renwu Guiwei Jiashen Yiyou Bingxu Dinghai Wuzi Jichou Gengyin Xinmao Renchen Guisi Jiawu Yiwei Bingshen Dingyou Wuxu Jihai Gengzi Xinchou Renyin Guimao Jiachen Yisi Bingwu Dingwei Wushen Jiyou Gengxu Xinhai Renzi Guichou Jiayin Yimao Bingchen Dingsi Wuwu Jiwei Gengshen Xinyou Renxu Guihai Open Access. © 2019 Schwartz/JAS, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501505294-003